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No. 6: If you don’t give it to me you’ll only lend it to someone else and look where that got us

February 2000

Portugal - A victory for the bureaucrats


When a private bank due to be sold to a foreign group ends up in state hands it's hardly a sign that all's well with the European single market. This was the outcome of the stand-off between the European Commission and the Portuguese government over the Champalimaud banking group. Spain's BSCH attempted to take a stake in the group, sparked off a huge row about cross-border M&A and ended up with only some of the pickings. Other key assets have ended up under state control, even if only temporarily. From every angle the Champalimaud affair is an example of the wrong way to make takeovers. For octogenarian banker António Champalimaud it was a final chapter in a lifetime of battles with bureaucrats. Brian Caplen reports




    When Portugal's legendary tycoon António Champalimaud decided to sell his banking interests he gave his son Luís a leading role in the negotiations. As António is 81 and has failing eyesight this delegation of power to younger blood made sense. The problem was that Luís didn't much want to sell.


Luis Champalimaud

In a way this was not surprising. As president of Banco Pinto & Sotto Mayor (BPSM), the group's major asset, Luís, like the rest of the family, stood to gain materially from the sale but he alone was likely to lose his job and position at the centre of Portuguese banking. Potential buyers say that when they negotiated with António things went well, but when they got into more detailed discussions with Luís the project stalled.

Given António's business acumen it could be that this was part of a clever negotiating strategy. However, it had the effect of dragging the talks out for years and nearly scuppered the initiative of Spain's Banco Santander Central Hispano (BSCH), the eventual buyer of Champalimaud's other banking assets, though not BPSM.

The breakthrough that put the deal back on track was a chance meeting by senior bank executives at a conference in Nice, France. They discovered that there remained considerable interest on both sides in doing a deal, and relayed this message back to their bosses. With Luís outside Lisbon during subsequent negotiations, it took only weeks to agree initial terms.

But it took a further five months before a radically altered deal finally received the blessing of the Portuguese government, and only then after intervention by European Union competition commissioner Mario Monti and the threat of legal action.

Now, instead of BSCH taking a 40% stake in the holding company for the Champalimaud group, the assets have been split. BSCH controls two banks in the group - Banco Totta & Açores and its mortgage subsidiary, Crédito Predial Português. The rest of the group - including BPSM, insurance company Mundial Confiança and investment bank Banco Chemical Finance - has been sold to state savings bank Caixa Geral de Depôsitos (CGD).

Unexpected controversy


Jardim Goncalves

Although the sale of a Portuguese bank to a Spanish entity was always bound to cause fireworks, no-one could have expected that the Champalimaud deal would become the most controversial European takeover of 1999. It raises key banking issues in Europe such as the extent to which national banking sectors are truly open to foreign buyers; the degree to which market forces rather than government decree determine what happens in European business; the fair treatment of minorities and the lack of coherent takeover procedures in Europe.

The takeover also enjoyed the unique distinction of casting almost everyone involved in a bad light. The Portuguese government came out looking protectionist; other Portuguese bankers appeared to be working hand in glove with the government; the EU seemed to apply its rules more strictly in small countries such as Portugal than in larger countries; BSCH showed lack of concern for minorities and António Champalimaud changed his mind about his original aim of building up a Portuguese-owned banking and finance group.

Luís Champalimaud comes out looking almost the best. He may not be the world's greatest banker and the group was losing some of its 14% market share. Critics say the banks needed to modernize systems and customer relations.

But efforts had been made to integrate the back-office operations of BPSM and subsidiary Banco Totta & Açores to increase efficiency, work that will now be wasted as the two banks have landed up with different owners. Perhaps Luís's instincts not to sell had some merit in them after all.

Expectations of resale


Pina Moura

Luís's fears about his job may also be well founded. BPSM is now in the hands of CGD and the expectation is that it will be sold again, going back into the private sector. But it may not happen before April when the term of the current CGD chairman, João Salgueiro, ends. One of those tipped to replace him is Alipio Dias, a former chief executive of Banco Totta, who is known to have clashed with Luís and may not be too sympathetic towards him. Currently Dias is a member of the board of Banco Comercial Português (BCP) which is still hoping to buy BPSM from CGD.

Banco Totta has ended up with BSCH, of course, and Luís might not have made out any better over there. BSCH will probably appoint a new CEO for the bank but intends to keep both the Totta and Crédito Predial names, as well as still using the Santander name in Portugal. Had Luís been part of this operation he may well have been pushed aside.

BSCH's top man in Portugal is Antonio Horta Osório, a Portuguese national, who previously worked for Goldman Sachs and Citigroup, and is the brains behind the acquisition of the Champalimaud assets. Regarded as the country's most dynamic investment banker, he previously ran BSCH's Brazil operations and was the architect of the first deal that incurred the wrath of the Portuguese authorities, and the second deal designed to placate them.

It was Horta Osório who attended the conference in Nice where a chance meeting with Carlos Tavares, vice-chairman of Banco Chemical Finance, the former Champalimaud investment bank, restarted talks between the two sides. The informal discussions between the two men, some of it on the tennis court, may have prevented the Champalimaud banks from going to BSCH's Spanish rival BBVA, then only BBV, which was also interested.

Later, at the end of May, Tavares and Horta Osório had a more serious meeting over dinner at the Ritz in Lisbon. They were alarmed to discover, the next day, that the Portuguese press was speculating about a Champalimaud/BSCH merger. Their fears of a leak proved false, however, and the journalists had only inadvertently stumbled on the truth and took the story no further.

There was genuine surprise for many in Portugal when on June 7 Champalimaud and BSCH issued public statements announcing their deal. A few days later they signed a shareholders' agreement with some of the clauses suspended, waiting for the approval of the authorities.

This first deal was extremely complex and caused concern among analysts because of its combination of a share swap that would not have given BSCH a majority stake in Mundial Confiança and the banks that it controlled (BPSM, Banco Totta & Açores and Crédito Predial Português) with a shareholders' agreement providing operating control of retail banking.

Their objection was that BSCH would get effective control without buying a majority and was not offering the same deal to minorities in Mundial Confiança as was being given to Champalimaud via the holding company.

This would have been possible because of the old vertical structure of the Champalimaud group (see diagram) with the family holding company at the top controlling everything below. The original plan was that António Champalimaud would receive 1.5% of BSCH (giving him a liquid share to distribute among his heirs) in exchange for giving BSCH 40% of the family holding company, swapped at prices giving Champalimaud a 100% premium.

The holding company's major asset was its 44.3% stake in the listed Mundial Confiança and since these changes were taking place at the holding company level BSCH was not obliged to offer anything to minority shareholders in Mundial Confiança.

Further aspects of the deal were of concern to minority shareholders. One was an agreement that BPSM, 53.1% held by Mundial Confiança, would buy 48% of BSCH's 100-branch subsidiary in Portugal and 20% of BSCH's Brazilian activities in exchange for shares or cash, but giving BSCH a 13.3% stake in BPSM. The controversy surrounds the value at which these assets would have been sold, and even analysts most favourable to the deal believe greater discounts were required to make it fair. As things stood BSCH would have clawed back roughly e110 million of the e280 million ($280 million) premium paid to the Champalimaud group.

Unfair to minorities

Under the deal the ownership of Banco Chemical Finance would have been split between BSCH and the new Champalimaud structure but management would have stayed with Champalimaud, which would also manage Mundial Confiança. There was also an agreement whereby if the other 60% of the holding company owned by Champalimaud were sold, BSCH had the first right of refusal at a comparable price. If it didn't buy, it had a tag-along agreement to sell its holding to the new buyer at the same price. The feeling among many analysts is that at some point BSCH would have ended up owning the entire company.

The verdict of most analysts is that the deal was unfair to minorities but perfectly legal, and that had it come to a court battle between the Portuguese government and the European Commission, the EC would have won. In opposing the deal few believe that such things as minority rights, or even problems of prudential supervision as stated, were the issues worrying the government. The idea of a Portuguese bank being sold to the Spanish was anathema to nationalists in the government, and other Portuguese bankers were against it because they also wanted to buy the assets and feared that under BSCH's management the Champalimaud banks would provide them with stiffer competition.

A number of regulatory objections were raised, such as that prior notification of the purchase of the insurance company stake was not given and that the proposed joint-control structure posed prudential concerns because it was not clear who was in charge of what.

However, the government's case was weakened by the way it openly worked with other Portuguese bankers to find an alternative solution. It showed a lack of commitment to allowing market forces to prevail and clung on to the old-fashioned way of doing things by decree and to the benefit of insiders.

"Our view is that the first deal did not satisfy the rights of the minorities, at least in the short term," says Miguel Sequeira, director of Portuguese investment bank Banco Finantia. "The deal was thought out to avoid the complications and cost of offering fair terms to minorities."

In the longer run the minorities could have gained from the improved management of BSCH and, on this basis, some analysts supported the original deal.

"BSCH management's credibility will extend to BPSM and we expect the traditional value gap between BPSM and the peer group to close," wrote Salomon Smith Barney analyst Iñigo Lecubarri last June. "Stock market concerns over transfer of value away from BPSM minorities are overdone."

Despite this, most analysts remained concerned. "Formally it was acceptable, morally it was questionable," says a Lisbon-based observer. "This kind of deal could never happen in an Anglo-Saxon legal environment where there are better safeguards."

Most Portuguese bankers were opposed to the deal and shortly after its announcement the leaders of Portugal's other leading banks went openly to meet finance minister António de Sousa Franco to voice their objections. They included CGD's Salgueiro; Jorge Jardim Gonçalves, president of BCP; Artur Santos Silva, president of BPI; Ricardo Espírito Santo Silva Salgado, president of Banco Espírito Santo and Vasco de Mello, chairman of the board of Banco Mello and Império which was sold last month to BCP.

Claims that this was really a meeting of the Portuguese bankers association with the minister are hard to believe, since other association members such as Banco Santander Portugal (the Portuguese subsidiary of BSCH), BPSM, Banif and Deutsche Bank were not invited.

There was talk at this time, whether in the meeting with the minister or not, of a soluçao nacional(national solution) to what was regarded as the national problem of a Spanish bank taking over a Portuguese one. Ricardo Salgado later told the Portuguese press: "The three largest banks [Espírito Santo, BCP and BPI among the private-sector ones] were ready to take in equal parts the position that would be taken by Banco Santander [BSCH]." Jardim Gonçalves has always been lukewarm on the idea of a national solution but, as the creator of Portugal's most successful private bank, his ambitions were almost certainly larger than this.

On June 18 finance minister Sousa Franco announced his administrative decision to oppose the BSCH/Champalimaud deal, citing the advice of the regulatory bodies - the Bank of Portugal, the insurance regulator Instituto de Seguros de Portugal and the securities regulator Comissão do Mercado de Valores Mobiliarios. He also mentioned several times Portugal's national interest and that strategic sectors vital to the economy and financial system should not be interfered with.

Sousa Franco said: "A restructuring of the Portuguese banking system will be necessary and it appears to me good sense that, in the first phase, as is already happening in France, this is done among national groups. Foreign groups, including BSCH, will have to compete on their own and should not perturb such a restructuring. It would be totally false to arrange the system by suddenly transferring control of large national institutions to foreign owners."

Launch of a hostile bid

In opposing the deal on June 18 the minister also alluded to an alternative offer that he said had his support. The idea that the government was working in concert with the private sector in opposing the deal was given further impetus with the suspension, when the stock market opened that day, of Mundial Confiança's shares. Later on, BCP launched its hostile takeover bid for the entire stock of the insurance company. This offer represented an 80% premium over the market price of Mundial Confiança the previous day.

But it also tried to take advantage of the decision by the Instituto de Seguros de Portugal to limit António Champalimaud's voting rights in Mundial Confiança to 10%, even though he owned 50% of the stock. The institute took this measure because it claims it was not properly notified of the bid.

Jardim Gonçalves is adamant that this bid, and two later ones for BPSM and Crédito Predial Português, were all independent and without government influence. "When we heard the news that the Instituto de Seguros would be against the deal and had the signature of the minister - because Instituto de Seguros is not autonomous - we used that opportunity to make a public offer."

"It wasn't against Champalimaud, it wasn't against Santander, it was an opportunity, the market knew and it wasn't a surprise. Obviously we spoke with the authorities, but only one or two days before while waiting for the decision of the government. We weren't asked to do it and we didn't do it in favour of the government. It was autonomous."

A source close to BCP says that as soon as the minister's announcement was made a call was put to the stock exchange forewarning it of the coming bid. For that reason the shares were suspended before the bid went ahead.

The government maintains that its main concern was supervisory and BSCH's nationality was not a factor. "The regulatory authorities thought that control would not be clear because it would be shared by Champalimaud and BSCH and it wasn't clear which was the head company," says António Nogueira Leite, secretary of state for treasury and finance. "We would not have had any regulatory problems if Champalimaud had wanted to sell everything to BSCH."

The European Commission was not prepared to accept this situation. It saw the government's stance as flouting European rules on the free movement of capital within the European Union and asked for the decision to be reversed. The minister refused and reaffirmed his decision in August. The European Commission referred its complaints against Portugal to the European Court of Justice. A long, slow legal process seemed in prospect that would pay little regard to the fast pace of the business on which it was due to pronounce.

The European Commission accepted none of the government's prudential concerns or worries about the structure. In a confidential report obtained by Euromoney, giving reasons for the decision, the commission says: "Such a structure does not appear to raise any concern from a prudential point of view, in particular because it has not been put into doubt that the persons that will acquire a qualifying holding in Mundial Confiança SA are of good repute and have the appropriate professional qualifications or experience... BSCH is a well-known financial entity which controls already two banking subsidiaries in Portugal, duly authorized by the Portuguese authorities..."

The report gives examples of financial institutions with similar joint control structures in other European member countries, such as Allgemeine Deutsche Direktbank, jointly controlled by BGAG and ING in Germany. The report says that proper notification was given to the authorities and that in any case this would not be grounds for opposing the deal. BSCH's argument about the notification is that it did keep the government informed at all times.

However, this kind of debate is academic as far as the minorities were concerned and no-one - neither the government nor the commission - was really standing up for them.

The European Commission does not have full regulations to protect minority shareholders, and takeover rules between member states have not been harmonized so its instrument for deciding whether a deal is acceptable or not is fairly blunt. This explains why it was prepared to accept the weak compromise thatwas finally agreed on in Portugal.

"We followed our policing role as much as we could," said a commission spokesman. "The original deal satisfied commission merger regulations and should have gone ahead. We don't have any preferences as to whether an institution should be public or private."

Looking for a way out

The new government of prime minister António Guterres was elected in October and Joaquim Pina Moura was made finance minister. Initially, the new government confirmed the position of its predecessor over the BSCH/Champalimaud deal, but by now everyone was looking for a way out of the impasse. BSCH, in particular, was reluctant to go through with a deal that the Portuguese authorities objected to even if it had European law on its side.

The solution was for all of Champalimaud's 44.3% stake in Mundial Confiança, plus António Champalimaud's personal 7.5% holding, to be sold to BSCH for Es301 billion ($1,520 million) payable in BSCH shares. This gives him a stake of 4.14% in BSCH.

Then BSCH will sell the holding in Mundial Confiança to CGD, but buy back the 94% stake that BPSM has in Banco Totta and the 58% stake that Totta has in Crédito Predial. BSCH will pay CGD Es320 billion in cash, or cash and BSCH shares up to Es220 billion, and Caixa will pay Es253 billion to BSCH for the parts it will keep - BPSM, Mundial Confiança and Banco Chemical Finance. Both CGD and BSCH will make full offers to the relevant minorities.

António Champalimaud has the right to appoint one board member each to BSCH, the investment bank Santander Investment and to Banco Santander in Brazil, which might make a nice job for Luís since the family used to live there.

BSCH ends up controlling banks with an 11% market share rather than having participation in banks with a 16% share. BSCH's previous retail share in Portugal was 2%, so it's a big move leaving its rival BBVA way behind.

With this deal the EC was persuaded to drop its court action; the limitation on Champalimaud's voting rights was lifted; and everyone was prepared to accept this solution, despite the fact that parts of the group were effectively being nationalized. It's a strange solution to aproblem caused, from the commission's point of view, by an alleged lack of adherence to market rules.

One line of thought is that CGD is just a temporary parking place and that BPSM will eventually be sold back into the private sector, quite possibly to BCP. But CGD deputy manager Filomena Raquel de Oliveira outlines three options available to the state savings bank: sell on all the assets; sell only BPSM and merge Mundial Confiança with CGD's own insurance operation which would create the biggest life and non-life insurance company in Portugal; keep everything. Keeping BPSM would make CGD even more dominant in retail banking, adding to its existing 27% share. CGD has long wanted to get into investment banking and could do so using Banco Chemical Finance although it's more likely that it will be sold to BSCH.

"Our dominance in the Portuguese financial system would be even bigger with BPSM but the bank has a lot of problems," she says. "It would need a lot of restructuring." There is talk of privatizing CGD at some stage, so BPSM might go back to investors that way.

A man of his word

The whole charade raises the question why Champalimaud didn't just sell BPSM straight to BCP. The reason, say Lisbon sources, is that Champalimaud refused to sell to anyone but BSCH, having given his word. That is why, in the finally agreed deal, everything in the first instance went to BSCH and only later to CGD.

As with every major takeover transaction it is the personalities involved that also determine why a deal came out one way rather than another. With the Champalimaud/BSCH deal the meeting of minds between António Champalimaud and Emilio Botín, the joint chairman of BSCH, played a part in the deal's conclusion. Both are the heads of family dynasties that have grown their businesses to a size where they are beyond the capacity of the family to manage them. Both have had to consider where to take the business next - António with his decision to sell out and Emilio with his decision to merge with Central Hispano. Both have had to struggle against difficult odds to achieve their goals.

António and Emilio also have done business with each other before. When Santander bought Banesto, the Spanish bank, it was found to have an illegal holding in Banco Totta & Açores that needed to be sold. Santander sold it to Champalimaud. This makes it unsurprising that the two men warmed to each other.

Yet Portugal's business community is small and António Champalimaud has connections with nearly everyone in it, either through past business dealings or through family. On this basis he could have sold to any of the major Portuguese banks, and he did have lengthy discussions with most of them. His first wife was Maria Cristina de Mello, giving him connections with the Mello banking group. Yet it was probably too small, with only 4% of the retail market, to buy the Champalimaud group and has since been sold to BCP.

Historically Portugal has had three leading business families - Mello, Champalimaud and Espírito Santo. When António got started in business the grandfather of Ricardo Salgado, the current president of Banco Espírito Santo, gave him finance during a difficult period and because of this, even in the late 1990s, he was still ready to talk and do business with Salgado. Salgado was the only Portuguese banker that Champalimaud told personally of his decision to go with BSCH. Champalimaud also maintains that Jardim Gonçalves of BCP was the only one to give him a concrete proposal for purchasing the assets and in Jardim Gonçalves' case, Antonio negotiated directly with him.

In the end Champalimaud decided to go with BSCH and there are three reasons why: price, the liquidity of BSCH shares, which would make it easy for family members to sell if they wished, and the international character of BSCH, which would bring a new dimension to the banks. Champalimaud is an old-school businessman who attaches great importance to integrity and boasts that he always keeps his word. "Everything is for sale except honour," he is reputed to have said.

In selling his Portuguese assets Champalimaud was definitely the winner in financial terms. The second deal brought him $1.5 billion for selling his entire holding in Mundial Confiança, whereas in the first deal he would have received e560 million for 40% (making the entire company worth $1.4 billion)."It's second best for Santander but the winner, as usual, is Champalimaud," says a Lisbon banker who has watched Champalimaud triumph in previous battles over many years.

The sentiment in Portugal is that Champalimaud was helped by the government to build up a financial empire and owed it some loyalty. Champalimaud, however, who declined to be interviewed, may feel that because of his treatment by past Portuguese governments he owes them nothing.

Champalimaud built up a cement empire, and became one of Europe's richest men, only to see it nationalized following the Portuguese revolution in 1974. His family fled to Brazil, returning in 1992 when in his mid-70s he started building up the banking and insurance group. All the while he claimed compensation for assets that had been seized from him, which included Mundial Confiança and BPSM.

With the privatization programme under way, Champalimaud agreed to drop his claim against the government and, in return, he was given Es10 billion to buy Mundial Confiança, which he leveraged to make other acquisitions, such as BPSM and Totta. In the case of Totta he was allowed to get control without an auction. "He rebuilt his financial group with the support of the government and now the government feels betrayed," says a banker in Lisbon.

Champalimaud's succession difficulties were made worse when two of his sons died. One was killed in a car crash. The other, João de Mello Champalimaud, was murdered by a disgruntled employee. João, referred to by António as "his right hand", was the most gifted in a business sense and had been expected to run the group.

Selling seemed the only option. For Santander, with such a small share in the Portuguese retail market, growth by acquisition was the obvious way forward. But with other Portuguese banks looking to consolidate this still gave the Spanish bank several options. In early 1998 senior executives from Espírito Santo and Santander had an informal breakfast meeting to discuss joining up, but nothing came of it.

With its position in the market, its culture and its owner control, the Champalimaud banks always seemed the best fit for BSCH among the Portuguese banks. Discussions between Emilio and António were followed by talks between Ana Patricia Botín, then chief executive of Santander Investment, Horta Osório and Luís Champalimaud. True to form, Luís was unenthusiastic about selling.

There were other reasons why the Champalimaud deal with BSCH did not close quickly. The Russia crisis was one factor and then, at the beginning of last year, Santander had its hands full merging with Banco Central Hispano in Spain. With this merger the new BSCH inherited a cross-shareholding with BCP that was part of Central Hispano's assets.

The possibility of BCP and BSCH merging now had to be considered but the chemistry, unlike that between BSCH and Champalimaud, was never right. The old agreement was an arm's-length investment in which Central Hispano agreed not to compete against BCP in Portugal and BCP made the same commitment in Spain. BCP wanted the same kind of deal with BSCH, whereas the ambition of BSCH is to be one of the world's leading brand names in banking. There was little in the way of common ground.

According to one version of events BCP wanted BSCH to swap its stake in Santander Portugal for shares in BCP that would have taken the holding over 20%, but would not have allowed it any members of the executive (management) board. The Santander name would have been removed from the retail part, although BSCH would have controlled investment banking. No resolution was possible so the two sides bought back each other's holdings. That left the way clear for BSCH to do a deal with Champalimaud that was put back on course when Horta Osório and Carlos Tavares, himself a former executive with BCP's investment bank, met in France.

That might have been the end of the story had the Portuguese government not objected. The EC rushed to the defence of the single market, apparently unconcerned if private assets ended up in state hands. Tough tactics were employed by all parties.

Shadowy minorities

Minority shareholders made their dissatisfaction felt, but sometimes it was unclear who they really represented. An extraordinary general meeting called by BCP to get approval for its bid for Mundial Confiança had to be rescheduled after minorities, believed linked to Mundial Confiança, discovered procedures had not been correctly followed and threatened court action.

Minorities in Mundial Confiança, unhappy about the first deal, also called for an EGM. But later it was noticed that some of the stakes were held by funds managed by BCP. Mundial Confiança minorities took out full-page advertisements in the Financial Timesand Wall Street Journalaccusing the insurance company's board of not protecting their interests. The board responded by threatening to sue them for libel.

In October Antonio Champalimaud, apparently wedded to the BSCH deal, said that he might sell to BCP if they offered him "a barrel of money". This remark added e500 million to the banking group's value until Champalimaud explained that he was joking. But according to Jardim Gonçalves, Champalimaud was still prepared to sell to BCP right up until the second deal was done.

He says: "Champalimaud wanted to do the best business and he got to do the best business. He was in contact with the government, with Santander and with BCP [in reaching the conclusion over the second deal]. He would have sold to us if the price was right and the government had maintained its veto [over the BSCH purchase]."

The Portuguese government backed down and some in Lisbon feel that the EC turned on them because Portugal is a small country that could be used as an example. Financial sectors in major European countries such as France and Germany are hardly open to foreign acquisitions, they point out.

As one analyst remarked: "This was a deal for politicians and bureaucrats, not for bankers."







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