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Oil fields critical to
Kazakhstan |
IT WAS ONE of the worst rows in the seemingly
never-ending series of spats between the government of
Kazakhstan and the small band of foreign multinationals that
invest in the country.
In November 2002 TengizChevroil (TCO) stopped
production at the Tengiz oil field in north-western
Kazakhstan, the republic's biggest, after a row broke out
over how to fund the next stage of development. Until
recently proceeds from exporting production through a ragtag
collection of trains, tankers and swap deals has financed
development.
TCO is an international consortium led by US oil major
ChevronTexaco that has been working the 9-billion-barrel oil field
since 1993. Tengiz is the republic's cash cow and one of the
biggest investments in the former Soviet Union. ChevronTexaco owns
half of TCO, ExxonMobil 25%, Kazakhstan state oil company
Kazmunaigaz 20% and LUKArco 5%.
High-stakes game
The advent of the Caspian Pipeline Consortium oil pipeline,
which came into service last summer and is the first large-diameter
pipeline carrying oil out of the area, has increased the
stakes.
The lack of a pipeline previously limited exports, so there was
no rush to ramp up production. But with the CPC pipeline offering
annual capacity of 60 million tonnes, the owners are keen to get
cracking.
And that's when the problems started: TCO wanted to fund the
expansion by reinvesting profits from exports, making use of a tax
exemption for reinvestment. The government wanted it to pay tax as
normal on its exports and borrow money abroad instead.
Downing tools and threatening to pull out was a slap in the face
for already fragile investor sentiment as well as being a potential
disaster for the Kazakh economy.
The field is Kazakhstan's biggest single source of revenue,
accounting for 15% of the budget. It produces 12 million tonnes of
light crude a year, 900,000 barrels a day. TCO has already invested
$2 billion to date and plans to spend another $3.5 billion over
three years to double annual production to 22 million tonnes.
A month later the two sides reached a compromise - one that
heavily favours the Kazakhs. They agreed that the income would not
be reinvested and that the Kazakh government would get its
scheduled tax proceeds of $600 million. However, the Kazakh
government will take part in cofinancing the project and help to
find creditors.
"We have found a mutually satisfactory scheme for financing the
second-generation project. We signed a document and have persuaded
our partners," Kazakh energy minister Vladimir Shkolnik said.
Almost uniquely among the countries of the CIS (Commonwealth of
Independent States) Kazakhstan's strong economic growth has been
driven by high foreign investment. Over the past 10 years the
republic of only 15 million people has attracted a whopping $18
billion in foreign investment, about $1,200 per capita, compared
with Russia's $25. Nearly three out of four dollars invested in
Kazakhstan come from abroad - more than four out of five of those
go into raw materials extraction. But the TCO row is typical of the
government's increasingly feckless attitude to foreign
investors.
Now the republic is posting strong economic growth, there is
resentment against foreigners among the Kazakh elite, who feel
multinationals took advantage of the weakened government in the
early 1990s.
"It is a common pattern among emerging markets," says Alexander
Zaslavsky, a political analyst with Eurasia Group. "When things
start to improve and the governments begin to earn real money from
these resources they become unhappy about the terms they agreed to
when they had no choice. A lot depends now on how important the
government thinks foreign investment is to further
growth."
Environmental hit
Adding insult to injury a Kazakhstan regional court ruled
against TCO last month, fining it $71 million for environmental
damage. The government claimed that TCO had not stored 6 million
tonnes of sulphur properly. The consortium contended that it was
stored under the same conditions as in the US.
All these problems bode ill for the development of an even
bigger oil field, Kashagan, off the Kazakh coast in its sector of
the Caspian Sea, where oil is due to start being lifted next
year.
Agip KCO is the consortium working on the Kashagan oilfield,
which was discovered last year and is the biggest find anywhere in
the world in the past 20 years. The consortium has submitted to the
government its plan to spend some $20 billion over 13 years to
develop the offshore field. Kashagan is the world's fifth-largest
field, with recoverable reserves estimated at 13 billion
barrels.
At the same time the government is preparing to offer more than
100 Caspian Sea exploration blocks to outsiders. Investors will,
however, think twice about investing in Kazakhstan after the recent
disputes.
However, while the government and companies bicker, Kazakhstan's
strategic position has been improving. For most of the past decade
Russia kept central Asia's energy resources bottled up by limiting
access to the Russian pipeline network - the only routes out of the
region.
With CPC onstream, the Kremlin has done an about-face. For most
of the past year Russian president Vladimir Putin has been signing
transport deals and has increased Kazakhstan's allocation of the
Russian pipeline network in a drive to improve relations with
Russia's southern neighbours.
"Putin's election, the effect on regional politics after the
terrorist attacks on America and the advent of the CPC pipeline
have combined to turn central Asian politics on its head," says
Zaslavsky. "When everyone was mired in misery no-one was prepared
to make concessions from the little they had. Now the oil producers
are growing the incentive is towards increasing cooperation."
For its part Kazakhstan is following a "multi-vector"
distribution policy: the government wants to see oil sent in all
directions simultaneously so no one country can again threaten its
export revenues. The Kazakh government has also said that it
intends to export oil through the controversial Baku-Tbilisi-Ceyhan
pipeline once it is completed, further weakening Russia's hold over
its former vassal.
With alternative routes blossoming, Transneft, Russia's
state-owned oil pipeline monopoly, is being particularly
accommodating towards Kazakhstan and said in September that it was
considering increasing its quota to 16.5 million tonnes a year.
Russia and Kazakhstan signed a 15-year intergovernmental agreement
in June 2002 stipulating the transportation of no less than 15
million tonnes of Kazakh oil a year through Russia's main
pipelines.